Common knowledge fuels coordination

The YouGov data show majorities believe cult‑like tactics are common and that many groups use them; treating that belief as 'common knowledge' lowers coordination costs for mobilization and delegitimization (example: wide public agreement that MAGA or QAnon are cults), precisely the mechanism the existing idea identifies.

The piece shows how activists use messaging apps, live tracking of ICE movements and viral videos to create common knowledge (everyone knows arrests are happening and knows others know), lowering coordination costs for rapid, decentralized protest deployment—matching the described mechanism for fast mobilization.

Bray’s piece argues exactly this: viral video and phone recording turn local performances into 'common knowledge' that lowers the coordination cost for repeat performances and group identity; the article’s account of protesters filming themselves and seeking liturgical sameness maps on to the idea that visibility (shared knowledge) enables rapid protest coordination.

Anderson highlights the cross‑societal nature of the economic shock and the role of broad shared expectations in enabling a nationwide protest wave — the same mechanism the 'common knowledge' idea identifies as lowering coordination costs for mass movements.

Cebalo describes movements forming as 'swarms' united by shared distrust and rapid online coordination; that is an instance of the common‑knowledge mechanism (visibility enabling rapid organizing) identified in the existing idea.

The essay emphasizes social media’s role in producing sealed 'domes' of narrative and in making certain fears and frames widely visible—the mechanism by which visibility becomes common knowledge and enables collective action or panic, matching the existing idea’s mechanism.

Betz emphasizes how factionalization, declining trust in institutions, and changes in coordination among groups raise the risk of organized internal violence; this links directly to the existing idea that once beliefs become visible as common knowledge (via media, networks), they lower coordination costs and enable mass mobilization.

A core mechanism in Gurri’s account is that networked visibility creates shared situational awareness (common knowledge) that rapidly lowers coordination costs for protests and political shocks — the same coordination logic named in the matched idea.

Jason Manning’s summary of Black — that idea production is concentrated by social distance and status, that elites attract far more ideas and that proximity favors moralizing over explanatory work — connects directly to the existing notion that visibility/common‑knowledge changes who can coordinate and how ideas spread; Manning supplies the sociological mechanism that explains why platform attention concentrates and how coordination dynamics arise.

The article documents how online performances (Knowles interview, Cavicular’s public persona) and subcultural vocabularies ('mog,' 'mogging,' 'looksmaxxing') create visible norms that make coordination and mass imitation easier — the very mechanism by which fringe behaviors scale into durable movements.

The essay explains how situations recruit universal human architecture to produce coordinated outcomes; that links to the existing idea that visibility and shared beliefs convert private preferences into public coordination — here the article supplies the microfoundational account (situation + person) that makes common‑knowledge effects predictable.

The Nautilus article documents how making richer people more visible in an individual's local sample increases support for redistribution and escalation risk; that is a specific instance of the existing idea that making beliefs or conditions visible turns them into coordination‑enabling common knowledge and changes collective action.

The essay’s description of reputational consensus forming in a small scholarly community (people talking offline and reaching a shared negative view of a professor) maps to the 'common knowledge' concept: visibility of attitudes (not just public metrics) enables coordination of social responses that platform counts may miss or distort.

The article emphasizes visibility and layered mirroring (social proof, repeated lies, A/B testing) that turn beliefs into common knowledge and thereby enable coordinated political or social action—the same mechanism the existing idea identifies as key to online mobilization.

Kling cites Steven Pinker’s common‑knowledge logic to explain why unsober beliefs coalesce into movements when surfaced by social media.