Two years after Florida’s conservative takeover of New College, graduation and retention rates have fallen and rankings have dropped, while per‑student spending has surged to roughly $134,000 versus about $10,000 across the state system. The data suggest that ideological house‑cleaning and budget infusions did not translate into better student outcomes.
— This case tests whether anti‑woke higher‑ed reforms improve performance, informing how states design and evaluate university interventions.
Tyler Cowen
2026.01.15
62% relevant
Both items document top‑down, political remaking of higher‑education curricula and governance: the article reports a Kremlin effort (Valery Fadeyev leading a new textbook) to reshape university teaching toward state narratives, analogous to the New College case where political control reshaped outcomes and priorities; the common claim is that political capture of universities alters long‑run institutional capacity and civic formation.
Jennifer Weber
2026.01.12
38% relevant
That existing item documents how ideologically driven institutional changes can degrade outcomes; the Mamdani article engages the inverse point—arguing that concentrated, accountable authority (mayoral control) enabled measured education gains and that dismantling such structures for ideological reasons risked undoing progress.
Jared Henderson
2026.01.07
88% relevant
Both stories document ambitious institutional redesigns that fail to deliver and then produce downstream institutional damage; Tulsa’s honors college was created as a liberal‑education experiment and then financially gutted (92% cut), echoing the New College example where political/administrative changes produced worse outcomes than promised.
Ray Domanico
2026.01.07
80% relevant
Both pieces interrogate education reforms that are politically driven and argue those reforms can worsen outcomes despite high spending: the New College item documents ideological takeover and falling outcomes after expensive reforms, while this article argues pursuing integration and compliance with class‑size mandates risks diverting money from high‑need districts and repeating prior politically motivated failures (de Blasio vs Bloomberg). The actor connection is explicit (mayoral/chancellor policy choices) and both use institutional evidence to question reform priorities.
msmash
2026.01.05
60% relevant
Both pieces interrogate prevailing stories about higher education: the existing item documents a high‑profile policy experiment that failed to deliver student‑outcome gains, while this article shows that broad public narratives of higher‑ed collapse are inconsistent with enrollment and earnings data — together they suggest the politics of higher ed (reforms, outrage) can be decoupled from aggregate performance.
Arnold Kling
2026.01.03
75% relevant
Both pieces diagnose politically motivated higher‑education projects (Florida’s New College; Austin’s UATX) that raise large donor expectations but risk poor student outcomes and unsustainable per‑student economics; Kling’s article concretely names donor dependence, accreditation risk, and mission drift—the same failure modes the New College case documents.
2025.12.30
78% relevant
ProPublica lists investigations into education corruption and governance (for example the Texas charter superintendent making $870k), which connects to the broader strand of reporting and analysis showing that ideological or top‑down higher‑ed restructurings can raise spending without improving outcomes — the existing 'New College' idea about expensive reforms underperforming.
Tyler Cowen
2025.10.01
100% relevant
New College’s reported $118.5M budget for under 900 students (≈$134k per student) alongside falling retention/graduation and rankings.