Treat descendants of American slaves, Caribbean immigrants, and recent African immigrants as distinct ethnic groups in statistics and policy. Their different histories of stigma and incentives produce different behavior patterns and outcomes, so one 'Black' bucket mismeasures risk and misdirects remedies (including affirmative action).
— If adopted, this reframes racial-disparity debates and retargets criminal‑justice and equity policies toward the populations actually bearing the historical burden.
2026.01.05
80% relevant
The article’s Denmark and Sweden figures (e.g., ~7% of men convicted of violent crimes in Sweden; Danish 9% native vs 27% non‑Western by age 24) directly echo the existing idea’s plea to break up coarse racial/ethnic buckets; it supplies cross‑country conviction rates that argue for more granular ethnicity/immigration reporting when shaping crime and integration policy.
Steve Sailer
2026.01.04
78% relevant
Both pieces are about how changing or subdividing official demographic categories alters measurement and policy: AB 91 creates an explicit MENA category (listing Israel/Israelis), just as the existing idea argues for disaggregating a pan‑ethnic 'Black' category into meaningful subgroups; the common thread is that category design drives who appears in statistics and who gets targeted by programs.
Tyler Cowen
2025.10.12
80% relevant
The NBER paper shows earnings gaps differ dramatically between native Black Americans and 1st/2nd‑generation Black immigrants, reinforcing the core principle that statistics on 'Black' outcomes should be split by origin/generation—not only for crime but also for socioeconomic metrics like income.
Lorenzo Warby
2025.10.12
100% relevant
The article contends 'Black' conflates three groups with very different stigma histories, cites different behavior in the 2011 London riots, and notes affirmative‑action benefits may flow to recent immigrants rather than ADOS.